
Indonesia

The Republic of Indonesia performs in the mid-range in Representation, Rights and Rule of Law. It is high-performing in Participation. Compared to five years ago, Indonesia has experienced declines in Access to Justice, Credible Elections, Effective Parliament, Freedom of Expression and Judicial Independence. The latter group of changes can be attributed to a revival of defamation and blasphemy laws, which critics say are too easily politicized. The fourth most populous nation in the world and home to the largest population of Muslims globally, Indonesia has a service-based economy largely dependent on domestic consumption.
Modern Indonesia encompasses an enormous diversity of ethnic and cultural groups on hundreds of islands and boasts both global megacities and uncontacted Papuan tribes. Over the course of the 20th century, Indonesians constructed a national identity through the conscious choice, primarily of youth, to promote the national language and a national motto of ‘Unity in Diversity.’ Following decades of struggle against a repressive Dutch colonial regime and Japanese occupation during World War II, the longtime nationalist leaders Soekarno and Mohammad Hatta became the first president and vice-president, respectively, of an independent Indonesia in 1945. Soekarno’s increasingly unstable rule ended in 1965, when the army general Soeharto seized power. He oversaw mass killings and a 32-year ‘New Order’ authoritarian regime. Riots fueled by the Asian Financial Crisis compelled his resignation in 1998, ushering in the reformasi period and a cycle of democratization. The post-Soeharto years have been marked by negotiations for a more liberal political order, resulting in greater freedom of expression and opinion, moves toward a depoliticized military, and political decentralization. Party politics remain heavily fragmented and often depend on patronage and clientelist networks. The last ten years have seen active military and police officers creeping back into certain civil service positions.
Contemporary national political cleavages revolve around secular and religious divides, with political parties maintaining distinct views on state-Islam relations. Gender is caught up in these cleavages, as conceptions of private morality and women’s roles in society are negotiated using these frameworks. In recent years laws have been more conservative; in December 2022, Parliament adopted a new law that criminalized extramartial sex and unmarried cohabitation. Over the past decade, Indonesia has made progress in achieving gender parity in education and increasing women’s political participation; however, women’s labor force participation remains low and gender-based violence is a pressing issue.
Corruption has been a high-profile political issue for decades, reflected in discourses on decentralization, the control of natural resources, weak accountability mechanisms, and other factors. In recent years, the weakening of the country’s Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) has been reflected in the Absence of Corruption metrics. Recent elections have seen allegations of governmental interference in the judiciary, particularly following a controversial court ruling to lower the age limit of presidential candidates.
There are also broad socio-economic disparities between Indonesia’s diverse islands; almost half the population lives in rural areas where access to basic services and resources is poor, with ‘circular migration’ to urban areas for work. Separatist movements have marked Indonesian history, including the secession of Timor Leste in 1999, the independence struggle in Aceh, which ended after the devastating tsunami in 2004 and ongoing unrest and armed groups aiming for independence in West Papua province.
In the next several years, it will be important to watch Civil Liberties. Issues of discrimination against religious minorities and the increased use of laws to curtail free speech may impact that factor, as could the increasingly visible influence of more radical interpretations of Islam in politics. Continued political conflict over the management of natural resources and environmental sectors may be reflected in Absence of Corruption or affect socio-political stability between the islands.
Last Updated: June 2024
https://www.idea.int/democracytracker/
March 2025
Constitutional Court acts to prevent strategic MP resignations
The Constitutional Court ruled on 20 March that national and local legislators are barred from resigning their posts with the stated purpose of contesting regional executive elections. Regional elections are typically held several months after national elections, and the complaint detailed numerous cases where newly-elected MPs resigned ostensibly to contest regional elections, but in practice appeared to be resigning to allow party leadership to reallocate parliamentary seats for personal or patrimonial considerations. In the most recent electoral cycle, nineteen MPs-elect resigned their seats between winning election and taking their seats to instead contest the November 2024 regional head elections. Lawmakers critical and supportive of the ruling said parliament plans to take its guidance into account as it revises electoral laws in upcoming parliamentary sessions.
Source: Jakarta Post, Kompas
February 2025
Concerns raised over the military’s return to politics
President Prabowo Subianto appointed a currently serving general to run the state’s food procurement company on 11 February, the first time that a general has served in such a role since the military-dominated authoritarian government of Suharto of 1967-1998. Indonesian legal experts and rights activists argued the appointment violated laws that limit the appointment of military service members to government posts to a limited number of defence-related ministries. The move is part of a broader trend of relying on the military to carry out civilian government projects that has raised warnings about a “slippery slope” of return to the military-dominated government of Suharto-era Indonesia. Prabowo-allied members of parliament are also planning to introduce a bill to allow generals to be appointed to top civilian government jobs.
Update: Indonesia ratified amendments to Law No. 34 of 2004 on the Indonesian National Armed Forces on 20 March allowing members of the military to occupy positions in 14 civilian ministries. Military officials will also no longer have to resign or retire in order to take up civilian posts. Indonesian civil society and student activists criticized the lack of transparency of deliberations and the speed with which the bill was passed: only two months after President Prabowo requested it. The announcement was met with large student protests outside the parliament building.
Sources: Reuters, Jakarta Post (1), Jakarta Post (2), Dari Mulut, The Jakarta Post (3)
Mining law revisions prompt governance concerns
Indonesia’s parliament revised the country’s mining law on 18 February, giving religious groups, small businesses, and university-owned entities priority status in owning and operating mines. The decision was protested by student groups opposed to university participation in mining and condemned by civil society organizations for weakening governance and environmental oversight of the sector. Critics are particularly concerned about the ability of the above “nontraditional mining actors” to obtain concessions without a public tender, which would exempt them from demonstrating environmental, technical, or financial qualifications and provides significant opportunities for corruption and political clientelism. The bill’s proponents say it will distribute Indonesia’s mining wealth more equitably and that it includes stricter controls on land use.
Sources: Jakarta Post, Reuters, Monga Bay, ASEAN Briefing
Prabowo administration funds new welfare programs through public sector austerity
Indonesia launched an annual free health screening program for all Indonesians on 10 February in an effort to improve public health through earlier detection of chronic and congenital diseases. Together with a program providing free lunch for all students, the health screenings were one of President Prabowo’s core election promises. However, civil society and legal experts have raised concerns about the practicality and legality of funding the programs through cutting expenditures in much of the public sector. The budget cuts have not been made transparently and the government has not made clear how the size or distribution of budget cuts was determined or justified. Civil servants have raised concerns about their ability to continue to effectively carry out their duties. Civil society criticism has focused on cuts at anti-corruption, law enforcement, and the judiciary in particular, raising concerns about judicial oversight and the ability to investigate or prosecute anti-corruption cases.
Sources: South China Morning Post, Jakarta Post (1), Jakarta Post (2), Jakarta Post (3), Jakarta Post (4), Indonesia Business Post
House of Representatives grants itself new oversight powers
The House of Representatives (DPR) unanimously opted to revise DPR Regulation 1 of 2020 on 3 February, thereby granting itself the power to “periodically evaluate” all state officials appointed by the government and make binding recommendations for their dismissal. The agencies subject to the new oversight rules include the Corruption Eradication Commission, the General Election Commission, the Constitutional Court, and the Supreme Court. Legal experts criticized the new rules as unconstitutional and as excessive legislative interference in the operations of independent executive agencies. While by statute the DPR has the power to nominate and investigative officials, the new rules conflict with existing statutes defining evaluation and dismissal separately for each agency and delegating the decision to the executive. Constitutional law experts say the rule is a violation of the separation of powers and amounts to legislative overreach. Under the new rules, the DPR could dismiss civil servants who are not aligned with the government’s politics swiftly and without going through established procedures for legislative oversight.
Sources: Jakarta Post (1), Kompas, Jakarta Post (2)
January 2025
Presidential nomination threshold lowered
The Constitutional Court ruled unconstitutional on 2 January a section of the 2017 General Elections Law governing presidential election nominating procedures. This part of the law required a party, or coalition of parties, to hold a minimum of 20 per cent of the seats in the national legislature, or to have won 25 per cent of the popular vote in the previous legislative election, in order to nominate a presidential candidate. The ruling agreed with the university students who petitioned the court that the minimum threshold unfairly benefited large parties and limited individual voting rights. Although the ruling did not establish a new nominating standard, Indonesian legal experts expected the new system to result in a more pluralistic electoral environment that benefits both more parties and the voting public.
Sources: Jakarta Post (1), Jakarta Post (2), The Diplomat
November 2024
Constitutional Court rules against Omnibus Law again
Indonesia’s Constitutional Court sided with labour union petitioners in 21 of 71 points in a legal challenge to the much-contested 2020 Job Creation Law, also known as the Omnibus law, on 1 November. The ruling will require local officials to set sectoral minimal wages, expanded employee protections when an employee is laid off, required ministries to act more directly to reduce conflicts between employers and employees, and ordered parliament to amend key parts of the law within two years or the entire law will become unconstitutional automatically. The Court had previously ruled other parts of the law unconstitutional in 2021 because lawmakers had failed to follow proper procedures during its passage through parliament.
Sources: The Diplomat, Industriall
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