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Indonesia
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The Republic of Indonesia performs in the mid-range in Representation, Rights and Rule of Law. It is high-performing in Participation. Compared to five years ago, Indonesia has experienced declines in Access to Justice, Credible Elections, Effective Parliament, Freedom of Expression and Judicial Independence. The latter group of changes can be attributed to a revival of defamation and blasphemy laws, which critics say are too easily politicized. The fourth most populous nation in the world and home to the largest population of Muslims globally, Indonesia has a service-based economy largely dependent on domestic consumption.
Modern Indonesia encompasses an enormous diversity of ethnic and cultural groups on hundreds of islands and boasts both global megacities and uncontacted Papuan tribes. Over the course of the 20th century, Indonesians constructed a national identity through the conscious choice, primarily of youth, to promote the national language and a national motto of ‘Unity in Diversity.’ Following decades of struggle against a repressive Dutch colonial regime and Japanese occupation during World War II, the longtime nationalist leaders Soekarno and Mohammad Hatta became the first president and vice-president, respectively, of an independent Indonesia in 1945. Soekarno’s increasingly unstable rule ended in 1965, when the army general Soeharto seized power. He oversaw mass killings and a 32-year ‘New Order’ authoritarian regime. Riots fueled by the Asian Financial Crisis compelled his resignation in 1998, ushering in the reformasi period and a cycle of democratization. The post-Soeharto years have been marked by negotiations for a more liberal political order, resulting in greater freedom of expression and opinion, moves toward a depoliticized military, and political decentralization. Party politics remain heavily fragmented and often depend on patronage and clientelist networks. The last ten years have seen active military and police officers creeping back into certain civil service positions.
Contemporary national political cleavages revolve around secular and religious divides, with political parties maintaining distinct views on state-Islam relations. Gender is caught up in these cleavages, as conceptions of private morality and women’s roles in society are negotiated using these frameworks. In recent years laws have been more conservative; in December 2022, Parliament adopted a new law that criminalized extramartial sex and unmarried cohabitation. Over the past decade, Indonesia has made progress in achieving gender parity in education and increasing women’s political participation; however, women’s labor force participation remains low and gender-based violence is a pressing issue.
Corruption has been a high-profile political issue for decades, reflected in discourses on decentralization, the control of natural resources, weak accountability mechanisms, and other factors. In recent years, the weakening of the country’s Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) has been reflected in the Absence of Corruption metrics. Recent elections have seen allegations of governmental interference in the judiciary, particularly following a controversial court ruling to lower the age limit of presidential candidates.
There are also broad socio-economic disparities between Indonesia’s diverse islands; almost half the population lives in rural areas where access to basic services and resources is poor, with ‘circular migration’ to urban areas for work. Separatist movements have marked Indonesian history, including the secession of Timor Leste in 1999, the independence struggle in Aceh, which ended after the devastating tsunami in 2004 and ongoing unrest and armed groups aiming for independence in West Papua province.
In the next several years, it will be important to watch Civil Liberties. Issues of discrimination against religious minorities and the increased use of laws to curtail free speech may impact that factor, as could the increasingly visible influence of more radical interpretations of Islam in politics. Continued political conflict over the management of natural resources and environmental sectors may be reflected in Absence of Corruption or affect socio-political stability between the islands.
Last Updated: June 2024
https://www.idea.int/democracytracker/
January 2025
Presidential nomination threshold lowered
The Constitutional Court ruled unconstitutional on 2 January a section of the 2017 General Elections Law governing presidential election nominating procedures. This part of the law required a party, or coalition of parties, to hold a minimum of 20 per cent of the seats in the national legislature, or to have won 25 per cent of the popular vote in the previous legislative election, in order to nominate a presidential candidate. The ruling agreed with the university students who petitioned the court that the minimum threshold unfairly benefited large parties and limited individual voting rights. Although the ruling did not establish a new nominating standard, Indonesian legal experts expected the new system to result in a more pluralistic electoral environment that benefits both more parties and the voting public.
Sources: Jakarta Post (1), Jakarta Post (2), The Diplomat
November 2024
Constitutional Court rules against Omnibus Law again
Indonesia’s Constitutional Court sided with labour union petitioners in 21 of 71 points in a legal challenge to the much-contested 2020 Job Creation Law, also known as the Omnibus law, on 1 November. The ruling will require local officials to set sectoral minimal wages, expanded employee protections when an employee is laid off, required ministries to act more directly to reduce conflicts between employers and employees, and ordered parliament to amend key parts of the law within two years or the entire law will become unconstitutional automatically. The Court had previously ruled other parts of the law unconstitutional in 2021 because lawmakers had failed to follow proper procedures during its passage through parliament.
Sources: The Diplomat, Industriall
August 2024
Protests and criticism force government to backtrack on election law
A wave of protests across Indonesia on 22 August and sharp criticism from civil society compelled the legislature to defy the country’s Constitutional Court (CC) and revise the 2016 Regional Elections Law. The tension began on 20 August, when the CC overruled a controversial May 2024 Supreme Court decision changing the rules for the minimum age of candidates. That ruling would have allowed President Joko Widodo’s son, Kaesang Pangarep, to run for governor of Jakarta. The 20 August CC ruling also lowered the threshold for political party participation in regional polls, which would provide a more open contest between the ruling Onward Indonesia Coalition (KIM) and opposition parties. KIM MPs swiftly introduced legislation to revise the 2016 Regional Elections Law on 22 August, which was interpreted by legal experts, civil society, and the opposition as an unconstitutional effort to override the CC’s legally binding ruling. Large demonstrations followed on the same day across the country, with over 100 protesters and police reported injured and over 400 arrested. Parliament swiftly withdrew the legislation and on 25 August gave the General Elections Commission permission to reform electoral laws in line with the CC’s ruling and protester demands. Human rights organizations criticized the police response to the protests and called for an investigation into excessive violence and allegations of attacks on key organizers and journalists.
Sources: Jakarta Post, International IDEA, Human Rights Watch, Financial Times, CNN Indonesia, Reuters
Indonesia narrowly expands abortion access
The Indonesian government introduced regulations on 29 July that legalized some abortions under strict conditions as part of the implementation of a 2023 Health Law. Women whose pregnancies are a result of rape and certain medical emergencies will now be able to obtain an abortion up to 14 weeks after conception. The previous legal standard only allowed for six weeks. The country’s leading religious council, the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI), sharply criticized the new regulations as contradicting its 2005 fatwa, declaring abortions can only be performed within 40 days of conception. Some gender rights activists broadly welcomed the move but criticized a provision that grants the police, rather than medical professionals, sole discretion to authorize abortions, and the lack of specific instructions for police on how to handle and process rape cases.
Sources: Reuters, Benar News, Tempo
May 2024
Court changes electoral rules for Jokowi’s son
The Supreme Court ruled on 30 May that the minimum age requirement for gubernatorial candidates applies not from when a candidate is nominated but for when they would be sworn into office. The ruling was widely interpreted as a carve-out to permit outgoing President Joko Widodo’s youngest son, Kaesang Pangarep, to run for governor of Jakarta in an election scheduled for 27 November. Kaesang will be 29 on election day but will turn 30 before he would be sworn in. In October 2023, Indonesia’s Constitutional Court made a comparable ruling that allowed Jokowi’s elder son, Gibran Rakabuming Raka, to run (successfully) for vice president in the 2024 presidential election.
Sources: Jakarta Post, The Diplomat, International IDEA
Constitutional changes could undermine judicial independence
Indonesia’s parliament and government have agreed on a bill that will shorten the tenure of Constitutional Court judges from 15 to 10 years, require approval from appointment authorities (the president, the Supreme Court, and parliament) every five years or be removed from office, and overhaul the court’s ethics counsel to add the president, parliamentarians and members of the Supreme Court. Some members of the court have clashed with outgoing President Joko Widodo’s administration in several high-profile occasions, most recently in a ruling over the validity of the most recent election. Legal experts warn the changes are intended to subjugate the powerful court to the legislative and executive branches and punish the three justices who dissented from a broader ruling supporting dismissing electoral challenges in the 2024 general elections. Those three judges will be the first whose seats are up for review. Governing MPs argued the changes were politically neutral and aimed at ensuring the court’s accountability and efficacy.
Sources: Benar News, Reuters, Perludem
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