
Tunisia

Tunisia performs at the mid-range across all categories of the Global State of Democracy (GSoD) framework. It is among the top 25 per cent of countries with regard to Access to Justice, while it performs at the bottom 25 per cent in Electoral Participation. Following the 2011 downfall of the authoritarian Ben Ali regime, Tunisia initially saw notable improvements across the GSoD Indices and reforms that included a new, pluralistic Constitution earned the country widespread plaudits as the Arab Spring ‘success story’. Between 2018 and 2023, Tunisia has experienced declines in several factors of Representation, as well as in Civil Liberties, Judicial Independence, and Civil Society. Recent moves, widely criticized as authoritarian in nature, threaten performance across all measures going forward. Although Tunisia remains one of Africa’s wealthiest countries, economic growth has decelerated, exacerbated by public debt challenges. Sectors such as information and communication technologies, tourism, manufacturing, and organic farming are key, although droughts have affected agriculture.
Tunisia’s history has been marked by Roman, Ottoman, Islamic, Arab, and French influences, among others. The country became a French protectorate in 1881 and gained independence in 1956. Between 1956 and 2011, Tunisia was ruled by authoritarian strongmen, Habib Bourguiba and Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. The 2011 Arab Spring brought the Jasmine Revolution to Tunisia, forcing Ben Ali to flee to Saudi Arabia, leading to his overthrow and the country’s rapid democratization.
Nevertheless, the political space has remained hobbled by significant crises, cleavages and corruption. The rapprochement that characterized the post-revolution era has fractured, giving rise to significant religious divides and political polarization. Secularists, themselves significantly divided, reflect the legacy of former President Bourguiba who championed Tunisian nationalism and women’s rights after the decolonization. Conversely, Islamists support socially conservative policies and pan-Arabism.
Issues of economic development and democratic consolidation have also remained front-and-center. Pressing economic reforms are needed to stabilize the country’s finances, including reducing the size of the public sector and combatting corruption. Economic malaise and poverty have driven public anger, partly evident in street protests. At the same time, Tunisia has struggled to consolidate its democracy, with increasingly autocratic moves such as a new 2022 constitution said to solidify “one-man rule” and the repression of political protests, based on Decree Law 54, has led to the arrests of opposition figures, journalists and lawyers following the dissolution of the Judicial Council. Additionally, a new 2022 electoral system based on amendments by decree, along with party boycotts of elections, has led to the disappearance of political parties from the public sphere. Public support for democracy has also waned over the last decade. Disenchantment with political elites and disengagement has resulted in a sharp decrease in voter participation. The government has explained its moves as attempts to create a new republic that guarantees the state’s unity, stability and Tunisians’ right to a decent life.
Discrimination and social equality matters are also prominent in Tunisian politics. While women’s social positions are more advanced than elsewhere in the Arab world, Islamist criticism and implementation failures have quashed activists’ hopes for critical economic inheritance reforms. Additionally, the 2022 electoral system amendments removed the requirement for gender parity. Only 15.7 per cent of parliamentarians are women.
LGBTQIA+ people face criminalization under active sodomy laws, alongside societal repression and harassment. While the country passed a landmark racial discrimination law in 2018, Black Tunisians continue to face widespread bias, as do migrants and refugees from Sub-Saharan Africa.
Looking ahead, Representation will be an area to watch, as it will be critical to monitor the resilience of the country’s remaining nascent democratic institutions amid pressure from the executive. For now, increasingly restrictive tactics, persisting economic challenges, and enduring social and political divides appear to have stalled the Tunisian democratization project. In this context, it will be relevant to monitor for signs of a hopeful return to the democratic path.
Last Updated: July 2024
https://www.idea.int/democracytracker/
April 2025
Lower court sentences 37 in mass trial, including opposition figures
On 19 April, the Tunis Court of First Instance sentenced 37 individuals, including opposition figures, activists, lawyers, and businesspeople, to prison terms ranging from 13 to 66 years. They were convicted on charges of ‘conspiracy against state security’ and ‘belonging to a terrorist group.’ Authorities allege that following organised opposition actions after the 2021 declaration of a state of emergency they had plotted to overthrow the government. Among those convicted were prominent members of the National Salvation Front and the Ennahdha party. The mass trial, which began on 4 March, was according to rights groups marred by procedural irregularities, including the denial of court appearances for some defendants and the exclusion of public and diplomatic observers. Many of the accused also faced extended periods of pretrial detention, while others were tried in absentia. Human rights organizations have condemned the proceedings as a violation of due process and described the trial as a means to suppress political dissent through the judicial system.
Sources: Agence Tunis Afrique Presse, Gulf Centre for Human Rights, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch
Authorities dismantle informal migrant camps housing thousands
In April, authorities launched a large-scale operation to dismantle informal migrant camps in coastal and central-eastern regions, particularly affecting El Amra and Jebeniana near the port city of Sfax, known key transit points for migrants attempting to reach Europe. The operations displaced thousands, leaving many without shelter. Early in the month, security forces began raiding camps estimated to house around 20,000 people from sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia. By 5 April, the National Guard confirmed the dismantling of two major camps, including one that had sheltered approximately 4,000. Reports of violence surfaced during the operations, including the burning of tents and other informal structures in El Amra on 24 April. As conditions worsen, the country has seen a rise in ‘voluntary returns’ as migrants opt to return to their countries of origin. The government stated that dismantling the camps is intended to prevent migrants from dwelling on privately owned land, following protests by local residents.
Sources: La Presse, Le Monde (1), InfoMigrants, Tunisie numerique, Le Monde (2), Africa News
March 2025
Tunisia withdraws individuals' and NGOs' access to African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights
On 7 March, the government announced its decision to withdraw its declaration under Article 34(6) of the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights, which previously allowed individuals and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to bring cases directly before the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights. This move means that, starting in March 2026, individuals and NGOs will no longer have the right to file cases against the state before the Court, limiting their available avenues for seeking justice for human rights violations. The government did not provide an official rationale for this decision, which has been met with criticism from human rights and civil society groups. In recent years, the Court had ruled on several cases involving Tunisia, including a 2023 case in which it ordered provisional measures for medical care and legal representation for four detained opposition figures. The ruling, however, is yet to be implemented by the government.
Sources: Tunisia’s Permanent Mission to the African Union, Centre pour le Respect des Libertes et des Droits de l’Homme en Tunisie, Human Rights Watch, African Court on Human and People’s Rights, Temple Garden Chambers
November 2024
Court sentences influencers for indecency under new ‘TikTok law’
In November, a court of first instance in Tunis sentenced several Tunisian social media influencers, with terms ranging from 18 months to four and a half years. They were convicted of public indecency for content posted online. These convictions followed a directive issued by the Ministry of Justice on 27 October, informally known as the ‘TikTok Law,’ which authorizes prosecutors to use existing criminal law to prosecute individuals who create or share social media content that conflicts with ‘social values.’ While authorities have said the directive is designed to limit the spread of vulgar language and explicit imagery online, critics warn its vague terms may result in it being applied more broadly and that it could further undermine freedom of expression on digital platforms. These convictions did not relate to political content.
Sources: Business News, The New Arab, Le Monde
October 2024
Saied wins second term in presidential election
Incumbent President Kais Saied won the presidential election on 6 October, securing a second term with 90.69 per cent of the vote in the first round. He faced only two male opponents: Ayachi Zammel, the imprisoned Azimoun party leader, who received 7.35 per cent of the vote, and Zouhair Maghzaoui of the People's Movement, who garnered 1.97 per cent. The Independent High Authority for Elections (ISIE) barred three other candidates from running, despite a ruling from the Administrative Court that they be reinstated. The election was boycotted by several opposition parties, including the National Salvation Front coalition, driven by concerns over the absence of conditions for fair elections. While election observers noted that the election was well-organized, they raised concerns about the limited number of approved candidates, the legal framework governing ISIE, and the denial of accreditation to some local civil society observation groups. Notably, two of Tunisia's most well-established observer organizations, I Watch and Mourakiboun, were denied accreditation. Voter turnout was 28.80 per cent of registered voters, down from 48.98 per cent in the 2019 presidential election.
Sources: Independent High Authority for Elections, Al Jazeera, Human Rights Watch, RFI, Le Monde, African Union, Human Rights Watch
Voter turnout reaches historic low in presidential elections
The presidential election on 6 October saw a dramatic decline in voter turnout, with only 28.80 per cent of registered voters casting ballots. While it still surpasses the record-low 11.40 per cent seen in the 2023 parliamentary elections, this is the lowest turnout in Tunisia’s presidential history and represents a significant drop from the 48.98 per cent turnout in the first round of the 2019 election, and an even steeper decline from the 55.02 per cent turnout that was registered in the second round in 2019. Voter turnout was particularly low among the youth, with just 6 per cent casting their votes. Observers have pointed out several factors contributing to the reduced participation, such as increased presidential control over the electoral process, the repression of opposition groups, and restrictions on media and civil society. The detention of opposition figures, including presidential candidate Ayachi Zammel, alongside the limited number of candidates approved by the Independent High Authority for Elections (ISIE), intensified public discontent. Opposition groups called for a boycott, citing concerns over the absence of conditions for fair elections.
Sources: Al Jazeera, Middle East Monitor, RFI, Independent High Authority for Elections (1), Independent High Authority for Elections (2), International IDEA (1), International IDEA (2)
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Global ranking per category of democratic performance in 2023
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