By Kristen Sample
Oatmeal gets a day (January 2). Potatoes get a whole year (2008)! And, in case you were wondering, herbs are feted the second week of May.
March 8, however, is a day about people—not produce. For the more than 3.2 billion women on the planet, March 8 is the day when we are specially called to take stock, denounce the injustices, inspire through our stories, and celebrate our achievements.
In Latin America, International Women’s Day should have special significance this year, given that 2008 marks another type of anniversary. It has been thirty years since democracy was restored in the Dominican Republic and Ecuador, thus kicking off the so-called third wave of democratization, which swept the Region to such an extent that today all but one country (Cuba) celebrates multi-party elections.
Yet democracy in Latin America—and indeed throughout the world—is nothing if not a work in progress. Though the overall trend over the last 30 years has been more democracy, the ongoing challenge is to ensure that it works for all in equal measure. And March 8 is, in fact, an excellent opportunity to reflect on one of democracy’s most critical deficits: its inability to ensure the full participation and equitable inclusion of all sectors.
Thus, in the spirit of March 8 and three decades of democracy in Latin America, International IDEA has published a report on women’s political participation that assesses the current situation, names the gaps and challenges and provides recommendations. We firmly believe that action must be grounded in data and fact. To that end, it is useful to begin by identifying and debunking a number of key myths surrounding women’s political representation.
1. “No hay mujeres.”
Some have argued that the under-representation of women is due to a dearth of qualified and interested female candidates. Though hard to refute due to lack of real data, common sense makes this contention difficult to swallow. In recent years, women have made major inroads and proven themselves equal to men in virtually every field. Inequality continues, of course, but the tide in many professions may be turning as women begin to outnumber men in some universities. Furthermore, the primacy of women in social and community organizations is unquestioned in most Latin American countries. Within the political sphere, women generally account for between 40-50 per cent of party membership. So, when candidate selection season rolls around and we hear party leaders lament “no hay mujeres”, we have to wonder “where and how hard have you looked?”
2. Electoral system design as a (gender neutral) science.
In fact, global research has shown that the choice of electoral systems can have an enormous impact on the number of women elected to public office. This effect is demonstrated, for instance, by the striking difference between women’s presence in collective bodies elected by proportional representation lists—such as legislatures and municipal councils—as opposed to single representative posts (president, provincial president and mayor). The Peru case is particularly telling: while women account for one in three Peruvian parliamentarians, only one in 50 mayors are women.
This difference is important to keep in mind as a number of countries in the region consider electoral reforms. In at least one case, a proposal is on the table to eschew a proportional representation system in favor of a legislature divided into single district representative system.
This is just one example of a reform that would have a dramatic impact on the election of women. And although electoral design is a highly complex and technical field, it is far too important to leave only to the specialists. Rather, electoral reform requires informed analysis and broad debate on the impact that they will have on women and other under-represented groups.
3. Electoral quotas as a panacea
Brazil’s scant 8 per cent women parliamentarians demonstrates that the adoption of quotas, in and by themselves, does not guarantee the election of women. Yet, quotas can have a significant impact if at least three conditions are met. They must ´fit´ with the electoral systems (and, in fact, work best with proportional representation systems); their language and terms must be clear; and they must include sanctions for non-compliance. As proof of their potential, the percentage of women elected to the Ecuadoran parliament jumped from 3 per cent to 17 per cent in one election cycle after quotas were adopted. Additionally, each of the six Latin American countries with more than 20 per cent women in their legislatures have legally mandated quotas.
4. Men and women compete in equal conditions
Some believe that political competition is wholly merit based and gender neutral. This assertion brings to mind the famous quote of former US governor Ann Richards who said: “Ginger Rogers did everything Fred Astaire did, except backwards and in high heels.” (Who would have guessed that politics and ballroom dancing had so much in common?) Men and women compete for the same prize (votes), but under very different conditions. For instance, research carried out by International IDEA and other organizations has shown that women candidates campaign with significantly less funding and media coverage.
5. Be patient. Change will come.
Change is underway in the Region, but the pace varies significantly between countries. At the rate of progress experienced between 1989 and 2005, Chile for instance will not have a critical mass (30 per cent) of women in its parliament until 2029. Costa Rica and neighboring Argentina on the other hand have been able to sustain high numbers of elected women across elections.
What accounts for the difference? In fact, change can be accelerated through a combination of short- and long-term strategies that involve both institutions and civil society. For instance, legislatures can opt for electoral measures that promote inclusion. Party leaders can make their organizations more gender-equity friendly by proactively identifying, recruiting and supporting aspiring women politicians. Civil society can pressure these organizations for change, dialogue with and support women politicians and engage in civic education campaigns.
In short, we can all play a part in promoting the full participation and equitable inclusion of women in political life, and in realizing the full promise of the democratization wave that began 30 years ago.
What’s in a day? If March 8 serves its purpose this year-- as a moment of reflection, organization and action-- then International Women’s Day will be a day that made a difference.
Kristen Sample is Senior Programme Officer for the Andean Region and for Gender Issues at International IDEA, based in Lima, Peru.
